Modi, Lee, and Trump’s Nobel Peace Prize Obsession

Although there are striking similarities between political geography in the Indian subcontinent and the Korean Peninsula, the international relations society rarely pays attention to its parallel paths. Recent events provide a useful starting point for comparison: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s dealings with US president Donald Trump contrast to South Korean President Lee Jay Meongy’s real and imagined peace diplomacy at the White House during his visit to Washington last month. Moody’s difficulties and successes also offer an insight into the possibilities of peace initiatives in Trump in Asia.

In the 1940s, the Indian subcontinent and the Korean Peninsula – under completely different circumstances, were divided but with similar severe consequences. These divisions have created two most exciting conflicts in the world: between India, Pakistan and North Korea and South Korea. The spread of nuclear weapons in both regions by raising the nineties to major security concerns for Washington and the world.

Although there are striking similarities between political geography in the Indian subcontinent and the Korean Peninsula, the international relations society rarely pays attention to its parallel paths. Recent events provide a useful starting point for comparison: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s dealings with US President Donald Trump contrast to South Korean President Lee Jay Meongy’s real and imagined peace diplomacy at the White House during his visit to Washington last month. Moody’s difficulties and successes also offer an insight into the possibilities of peace initiatives in Trump in Asia.

In the 1940s, the Indian subcontinent and the Korean Peninsula – under completely different circumstances, were divided but with similar severe consequences. These divisions have created two most exciting conflicts in the world: between India, Pakistan and North Korea and South Korea. The spread of nuclear weapons in both regions by raising the nineties to major security concerns for Washington and the world.

While the United States has played a direct role in the Korea section and has been deeply involved in the security of the peninsula since then, its role in South Asia was inherited from Britain and was always less direct, if it continued. The hardness of the Korean regime in the Washington alliance with Seoul has been blocked. In South Asia, in contrast, the United States maintained relations with both India and Pakistan.

The borders of military cooperation in India with Washington, while Pakistan joined the US -led alliances during the Cold War and later became a major ally of NATO. Since the end of the Cold War, with the fading of the Soviet threats and the rise of China, the United States has sought its strategic partnership with India while preserving the fight against terrorism with Pakistan.

After the firm struggle, the shadow of the common thread. Despite the repeated American initiatives in South Asia and periodic efforts in Korea, the competitions between India and Pakistan and those between North and South Korea have endured.

Trump Self -image as a peacemaker It has yet been badly in both theaters. Moody publicly to reject Trump’s claim that it was the one who brokered the ceasefire that ended the four -day war between India and Pakistan in May. New Delhi admitted calls from US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President C. Confirm at a later time By Foreign Minister Vikram Missri.

By doing this, Modi publicly opposes Trump’s allegations, and in fact, the president’s claim was required to be incorrect. Many observers believe that Modi’s unwillingness to play with Trump in the role of the imagined peacemaker offended the White House.

In a phone call in mid -June, Modi appears to have not responded to Trump’s suggestion that India could nominate for the Nobel Peace Prize. This, in turn, paves the way for a disclosure A special relationship This was very clear between the two leaders during the first period of Trump-and unlike many years of tightening relations between India and the United States.

After that, Trump not only repeated his field that stopped the war between India and Pakistan, but also began a punitive mission against India. Many observers see Moody’s failure to play his expected role in this farce as a source of the toughest Trump line on New Delhi, including his rejection of commercial deals that have already been negotiated at the bureaucratic level and impose a 25 percent tariff on Indian goods exports.

And follow this An additional punitive tax of 25 percentOn the basis of the purchases of India from Russian oil – a strange justification, given that Trump has not put any new pressure on Russia or a similar tariff on China, The largest importer From Russian oil. The perception that Washington was the uniqueness of India due to Trump’s confirmation of the peace industry through the intense White House attacks on New Delhi and Moody in particular.

This has done more than any other Indian leader to build closer relationships with Washington seems to have little weight with the White House. Trump commercial advisor Peter Navarro A special ugly campaign was launched against India; In a post on X criticizes Modi policies, Navarro Tag A picture of Moody meditation in the saffron rose. Moody’s personal relationship with Trump was cleaned during the last term, in addition to a quarter of a century of investment from the two parties in India and India’s partnership, in a seizure of the presidency.

On the other hand, I offer me the ambitions of peace Trump. His integrated praise helped him facilitate the difficulties in trade and Washington reassured that, despite his progressive policy, he was not hostile to the United States. I framing himself as “CardiacIn order to make peace for Trump, which confirms the role of the potential American president in reconciliation on the Korean Peninsula. Some argue that Moody could have used similar compliment, or at least a good -time phone call, to calm Trump.

But this is unlikely. South Korea has long been dependent on the United States to reach security and reach the markets. Her national image is a picture “The shrimp between whales– The stability of the lightness of movement and flexibility in order to survive. In contrast, India sees itself as an elephant and does not face any existential threat. Its thorny nationality, which was sharpened under Modi, makes it politically impossible to adopt my explicit tactics.

For these and other reasons, India reacts badly with pressure tactics. This was evident at the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Tianjin, China, this week, where Moody an offer His friendship with Russian President Vladimir Putin and his revival with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

This does not mean that the Modi-TROMP relationship cannot recover. One can imagine a big deal in which both leaders find a way to reset relationships. This can include a decision of the apparent conflict of Russian oil, a new effort to reach a commercial deal, and even a peace framework in South Asia.

Trump’s approach to the peace industry starts from the traditional frameworks of human rights or self -determination. For him, peace revolves around work. Imagine the huge wealthy in GazaExploiting minerals in Ukraine and Arctic RussiaEarth leasing along “Trump Corridor“In the southern Caucasus.

In this light, his idea of ​​developing oil and gas deposits in Pakistan and selling these resources for India is an interesting idea, and New Delhi should not refuse directly. Certainly there is Many doubts About the scope of hydrocarbon reserves in Pakistan, although recent claims about huge external deposits have been born some new excitement.

It is interesting here is not the issue of oil reserves in Pakistan, but the idea of ​​trade cooperation between South Asian competitors. Can Trump succeed in overcoming the established Pakistani resistance for economic cooperation with India? The United States tried to promote Energy Cooperation Between Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India in the past. But these ideas did not reach a large extent because of the opposition in Pakistan.

For his part, Moody does not hate creative ideas of peace. His alleged real concern remains Pakistan The continued sponsorship of terrorism. If Trump is able to persuade the Pakistani army to secede its long traditions of supporting extremism and opening the road to trade across the border, Moody may be happy to respond. After all, Moody began his first term in 2014 by inviting Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in his inauguration, and in 2015, he made a sudden visit to Lahore to open the doors for security cooperation. With his national credentials and strong local standing, Moody can be said that Moody has more political capital than any other Indian leader to explore new peace initiatives.

On the Korean Peninsula, the progressive in Seoul has long called on Pyongyang’s participation, which dates back to the bright sun policy in former South Korea, Kim Day Jong in the late 1990s. Economic cooperation has been attempted but stumbled, and this is partly due to Washington’s reluctance to overcome the issue of nuclear weapons. Trump broke this template in his first term by meeting with North Korea’s dictator Kim Jong Un three times. Trump is still less binding on traditional wisdom than his predecessors and more willing to explore peace as a business.

The real obstacles to “peace as a company” lies with the Pakistani army and North Korea, Kim. All fears that reconciliation would erod its grip on power. But if they can make sure that their hegemony will remain sound – and if it is possible to organize commercial deals to benefit from both the economies hanging in Pakistan and North Korea – the new paths to stability may open in both South Asia and Northeast Asia. Who knows – even Trump and his fellow peace makers can win the Nobel Prize.