Trump’s National Guard Deployment in D.C. Echoes Global War on Terror

Over two decades of World War on terrorism, American forces have been assigned to missteps that exceed their training. In Iraq and Afghanistan, pedestrian units have become a police officer, traditional soldiers trained local forces, and young officers were sent to mediate local conflicts in societies that barely understand them. And most importantly, they were told to win “hearts and minds” societies that do not want them there. The uniform and armored vehicles, which aim to present strength, have become obstacles to the same goals that have been appointed.

Now, the same thing is requested about the forces deployed at home. If the World War should announce anything, then the American forces were trained to fight wars, and in the case of the National Guard, to deal with transit emergencies, and not to impose the regime on complex societies. The United States is complicated by a society like any. Soldiers cannot rebuild societies at home more than they can reshape countries abroad.

Over two decades of World War on terrorism, American forces have been assigned to missteps that exceed their training. In Iraq and Afghanistan, pedestrian units have become a police officer, traditional soldiers trained local forces, and young officers were sent to mediate local conflicts in societies that barely understand them. And most importantly, they were told to win “hearts and minds” societies that do not want them there. The uniform and armored vehicles, which aim to present strength, have become obstacles to the same goals that have been appointed.

Now, the same thing is requested about the forces deployed at home. If the World War should announce anything, then the American forces were trained to fight wars, and in the case of the National Guard, to deal with transit emergencies, and not to impose the regime on complex societies. The United States is complicated by a society like any. Soldiers cannot rebuild societies at home more than they can reshape countries abroad.

Earlier this month, President Donald Trump declared a “crime emergency”, the control of the Capital Police Department in Washington and the deployment of the National Guard forces throughout the capital, to conduct immigration tests and the community police. Although he insisted that there is no need to expand the city’s police force, it has strengthened it with federal agents and soldiers, some of whom are neglected in a hurry in this process.

The murders in Washington, DC, increased from 88 in 2012 to 162 in 2015 and reached 274 in 2023. Many American cities, including parts of Washington, suffer from levels of violent crime and a feeling of insecurity that is unacceptable in most developed countries. However, since 2023, the crime in Washington has been heading down. By August 28 this year, the city recorded 103 killings, a sharp decrease from the same time last year but not enough to dispel the wrong allegations by right -wing social media that the crime is rising.

Studies constantly show that the military police, much less than the use of actual soldiers, does not reduce the crime, especially in countries where citizens expect to support civil freedoms.

Initial publication is already. The rulers of Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, West Virginia, South Carolina, and Ouhyu National Guard units were sent to Washington, despite the fact that some cities that have the highest rate in the country are violent crimes, from Memphis and Cleveland to New Orleans and Monroe, in its own states. Trump also threatened to deploy forces into other American cities, with or without the cooperation of the conservatives.

The move was followed by the previous publication of the National Guard and the US Marine to secure federal buildings and respond to anti -migration and customs protests in Los Angeles in June. At one point, there were more American forces in Los Angeles more than Iraq and Syria combined. Although unprecedented, the size of the recent mobilization and concerns of becoming a routine has sparked a broader discussion about the role of the US military in preserving the law and order within the country.

First, let’s be clear about what is not shown by the deployment of American forces in American cities. It is not the publication of the fighting. It may look like this, and this may be the political point, but the fact that it is not important to spread. These forces perform the duties of the police on the American soil, towards an elected president, in coordination with local law enforcement.

All over the world, soldiers hardly perform unusual police duties. In Mexico, Colombia, Pakistan, Israel; Iraq; In the past decades, the northern military units have long been filled with roles that civilians expect to deal with from the police, although soldiers in those cases increase efforts against organized crime and terrorism.

There are many examples of the military police and the use of soldiers in civil environments during the ladder period, despite a response to severe crises instead of presidential warmth. The National Guard has long been doubled with the local police force of the United States in the last resort, from enforcing the cancellation of the chapter on Little Rock in 1957 to the Detroit street patrol during riots in 1967 and 1968, and Los Angeles during 1992 Rodney King Erist, and lady across the country during black life protests in 2020.

The active service forces were used more fuss, but when the presidents called the rebellion law, they were sent to Detroit during the riots in 1967, Washington, DC, after the assassination of Martin Luther King Junior in 1968, and Los Angeles during the 1992 riots.

The military police are hardly unique to the United States – but its global record is also from failure and brutality. Britain deployed military police tactics during the 1984 mining strike, which was copied from the tactics used by the Hong Kong police in the 1960s, while the Hong Kong police, which were now under the control of China, launched dozens of citizens ’services by citizens who did blood. During the problems of the seventies, the British forces patrolled the streets of Northern Ireland, imposed a curfew, carried out “public order operations”, and reached their climax in the bloody Sunday massacre of 1972.

In France, the 2018 “yellow jacket” uprisings sparked a response that included armored vehicles and even forces under the ongoing operation, which was initially created in 2015 in response to the deadly Islamic state attacks. In Mexico, former President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador established a national guard in 2019, expanding the army’s role in law enforcement at the country, while Silvador sharply reduced gang violence through the mass mobilization of its army, by reducing civil civil freedoms, albeit a non -constitution in the United States.

However, the scene of the military units that carry out streets in the streets tend to many Americans, especially in the absence of a broad crisis. Armored vehicles and the unified forces raise the aesthetics of the conflict that they saw on television: a military vehicle colliding with a civilian on DC Street, MRAP with soldiers wandering out of Al -Ittihad station, and Humphis caravans across the city blocs, and the Marines Los Angeles.

Such pictures disturb many Americans and shock sections in Commestariat, who are worried that the president can one day publish these forces to impose emergencies manufactured at the time of elections. Part of discomfort stems from doubt in the nation inherent in the permanent armies, rooted in the deep lack of confidence of the founders.

It is also because, despite the at least two million American soldiers, who revolve across Iraq, Afghanistan and other theaters in a war on terror that extended nearly a quarter of a century ago, most Americans remained separate from the fully volunteer power that fought these battles-unlike Vietnam, Korea or World War II, when it did not touch the experience of the war. Even the most secular reactions to the DC BELTWAY soldiers show separation – such as a surprise in the forces that pick up garbage or a meaningless guard, both of which are essential of military life inside or outside the base.

For the Americans today, the war and what comes with it belongs abroad, not in their streets. Now, the logic, beauty and institutions born in World War on terrorism have reached the Metropol. Even the supporters of Trump’s use of forces in American cities should stop, because just as the World War expanded to terrorism the presidential power to deploy forces abroad without great supervision through the departments, this precedent will continue at home.

After the eleventh of September, the American leaders struggled to respond to a complex increase in patriotism and weakness in the United States. They lack a coherent strategy, bent over the army and built new, sprawling, sprawling bureauchers, and they are in the “security theater” for solutions and surrender to political temptation to show difficult to the threats they could not completely control.

During the country’s protests in 2020, then the then Defense Minister Mark Esber told the conservatives, “The more the Mass and dominates the battlefield, the sooner this is dissipated and we can return to the appropriate natural.” He later walked this phrase, saying it was a military term for material space, not people, “certainly not our American colleagues.” But Esber was almost to something. The army is effective in securing space. It is much less effective in the police or governing it. The inheritance of the war on terrorism is the reaction to treat every societal problem as a battle account, to replace the soldiers of politics, and the mistake of the emergence of security in the hard work of the rule.

There is a specific paradox in Washington exposure to military checkpoints and the security theater after two decades of exporting the war on terrorism from its offices lit with fluorescent. Since one of the residents in the capital via the Internet, the only budget trend to “the meaningless military occupation for the capital is if he knows the capital that the military professions that have no meaning are bad.”