Trump’s Tariffs Hurt U.S.-Brazil Relationship

Brazilians are preparing to influence. Unless a solution is reached at the last minute minute, the tariff of 50 percent imposed by the administration of US President Donald Trump on Brazilian imports is scheduled to enter into effect on Friday, August 1. If implemented, the import duties will be higher than any other nation early than just an attractive home. So far, Brazilian efforts have not resulted in negotiating results. A coalition of the Brazilian Senate members recently traveled to Washington, DC, to prepare their case to the Trump administration, but the chances of a compromise growing.

Regardless of whether the definitions will come into effect, this episode has been appointed to reshape the bilateral relationship in the United States. It indicates that Brazilia has lost its influence in Washington over Brazilian opposition figures such as Eduardo Bolsonaro, who contributed to a deep hostility to the American administration towards the Brazilian government. Moreover, Trump’s hitting to Brazil proves that he does not have isolation convictions – in fact, this is the clearest example of so far on the upgrade of tyranny. Finally, Trump’s explicit interference in Brazil will push the public and private sectors to reduce dependence on Washington. Even if it ends with concessions, Trump’s strategy broke the ability to predict and reliably in the eyes of the Brazilians and commit to reducing the influence of the United States in the country – and South America, if his neighbors are closely attention.

Brazilians are preparing to influence. Unless a solution is reached at the last minute minute, the tariff of 50 percent imposed by the administration of US President Donald Trump on Brazilian imports is scheduled to enter into effect on Friday, August 1. If implemented, the import duties will be higher than any other nation early than just an attractive home. So far, Brazilian efforts have not resulted in negotiating results. A coalition of the Brazilian Senate members recently traveled to Washington, DC, to prepare their case to the Trump administration, but the chances of a compromise growing.

Regardless of whether the definitions will come into effect, this episode has been appointed to reshape the bilateral relationship in the United States. It indicates that Brazilia has lost its influence in Washington over Brazilian opposition figures such as Eduardo Bolsonaro, who contributed to a deep hostility to the American administration towards the Brazilian government. Moreover, Trump’s hitting to Brazil proves that he does not have isolation convictions – in fact, this is the clearest example of so far on the upgrade of tyranny. Finally, Trump’s explicit interference in Brazil will push the public and private sectors to reduce dependence on Washington. Even if it ends with concessions, Trump’s strategy broke the ability to predict and reliably in the eyes of the Brazilians and commit to reducing the influence of the United States in the country – and South America, if his neighbors are closely attention.

Trump’s speech threatens To impose a customs tariff, which was published on social media on July 9, a series of accusations against Brazil: First, that the judicial measures against former President Gere Bolsonaro regarding the coup attempt on January 8, 2023 are “a charming chase”; Second, the Brazilian Supreme Court’s supervision of American technology companies violates the rights of freedom of expression to the Americans; Finally, that Brazil was implemented an unfair trade relationship with the United States

Since then, the US State Department has canceled the visas of eight Brazilian Supreme Court judges due to their “persecution” of Julusonaro and the American monitoring. The United States Commercial Representative also began an investigation into unreasonable Brazilian trading practices under Article 301 of the 1974 Trade law, depth of the rift between the largest Democrats in Western football. The US President claimed that the customs tariff by 50 percent was necessary to settle the stadium between the two countries. But this claim was essentially incorrect: the United States runs a commercial surplus with Brazil. The high tariff will make the commercial relationship more asymmetric, while more than 100,000 jobs are displayed in Brazil and the manufacture of common Brazilian imports, such as coffee and orange juice, more expensive for American consumers.

Trump’s threat expected a major influence in the rotation of Brazil, a country with a living memory of American interventions during the past century. Brazilian politicians have criticized the first two as a rude attack on Brazil and democratic institutions. Brazilian President Luiz Inosio Lula da Silva described the threats “unacceptable blackmail, in the form of threats to Brazilian institutions.” In political gatherings, he declared, “Grengo will not make orders to this president!” He argued that “the interference of a state in the judiciary in the last is unacceptable and violates the basic principles of respect and sovereignty among nations.” The bilateral relationship must be exacerbated largely if Bolsonaro is convicted and imprisoned in the coming months, as expected widely.

What made the threats of customs tariffs against Brazil are less predictable is that the local scenario of Brazil seems to be personal for Trump, as he sees the similarities between him and Bolsonaro. Both leaders wondered about the legitimacy of the voting system for their countries, lost its re -election, and they failed to recognize the result, and contribute directly to the violent mobs from their supporters who stand government buildings on January 6, 2021, in Washington and on January 8, 2023, in Parasilia. It also participates in an enemy: not only former US President Joe Biden Trump in the polls in 2020, but also pressed the Brazilian generals to refrain from supporting the attempt to coup Bolsonaro. There are a lot of Maga-the Crusader campaign against supposed censorship, “waking up-” globalization “and” deep state “-shared by Polsonaro supporters. These dynamics are greatly excluded completely normalizing bilateral relations as long as Lula and Trump are in power.

But in the end, the most obvious economic interests may also have contributed. The investigation of section 301 in the alleged injustice includes a reference to the “government-developed electronic payment services”-a clear indication of Pixel, a large-scale payment system used by the Central Bank of Brazil. While competition alone does not constitute an unfair commercial environment, the rapid growth of the system provides a clear challenge to the US credit giant visa and MasterCard. Likewise, Trump’s tariff cannot be understood completely without considering the provisions of the Brazilian Supreme Court that made social media companies directly responsible for the hate speech on their platforms, which prompted American technology companies to help them help get rid of the organizational hypothesis in exchange for the transaction content that affects financially.

Trump’s interference in Brazilian local policy is declining in the first six months of the Trump administration, which was formed through extraordinary intervention around the world, whether it was Vice Vice President GD Vans to support AFD in Germany, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized home legislation in the United Kingdom, or Trump himself accused of the South African government to commit Genocide. In fact, while Trump has fill out part of the Maga base by promising a lesser external policy, his second administration seems to be the exact opposite. Trump’s role in Brazil notes not only that the current American administration will not defend democracy – and it may currently serve as a promoter of tyranny, and provides support to replace the frustrated authoritarian Bolsonaro.

The bilateral crisis also reveals that if it had not failed to involve the Trump administration in the past six months. The Brazilian opposition with relations with Bolsonaro fills the void happily, which constitutes a distorted narration in depth that was presented to Lula and the Supreme Court as part of an increasingly authoritarian regime aimed at containing right -wing politicians such as Bolsonaro. Since Trump returned to the presidency, the representative of a high -ranking Brazilian government has not visited the White House, while Eduardo Bolsonaro, who is now based in the United States, has participated in a systematic pressure effort.

In the middle And long -term, Brazil can learn from other diplomatic strategies by countries such as Mexico, Colombia and Israel, which has long maintained active pressure groups in Washington. Perhaps the best example of this is his colleague in India in India, who mobilized Indian diaspora in the United States to pressure the US government to agree to the 2006 American civil nuclear deal. This may include the development of a permanent presence in the American capital that involves broader dialogues not only with the White House, but also with Congress, commercial associations, and thought tanks in an attempt to form the agenda whenever the conversation in Washington turned into Brazil.

Finally, Trump’s strategy did not produce Carney’s influence in Brazil only (to make the government more popular, with weakening the opposition aligned from Maga), but it will inevitably reduce the American influence in Brazil in the long run, regardless of the outcome of the definition negotiations, monitor them, reduce negotiations, reduce, reduce, reduce negotiations, reduce, reduce, reduce them And reduce it, reduce it to China, reduce it, roast it, roast it, and roaring it on China, and reducing it on Washington. Economics in the Middle East, as well as new partners such as India and Indonesia.

In the end, Trump’s tariff threats may be fulfilled by its intended effect. Instead of forcing Brazil to submit, they collected the national resistance, undermined the supporting votes of the United States, and revealed the dangers of excessive dependence on a wrong partner. For Brazil, the lesson is clear: the long -term stability and stability requires a more diverse foreign policy. For Washington, it may be difficult to back away from damage. Even if the stiffness of this particular crisis is removed, the perception that the United States is ready to use economic power to settle personal or ideological degrees, the current administration may exceed – trust not only in Brazilia, but through Latin America.