Despite Decertification, Can Colombia Revolutionize Global Drug Policy?

Earlier this year, world leaders agreed on a prominent decision to review the global drug policy system during the 68th session of the United Nations Drug Committee in Vienna. For more than six decades, the international drug policy has been greatly formed by the United States -led “war warfare”, which gave priority to strict controls and punitive enforcement.

Now, there is an increasing global recognition that the current policies have failed. Both drug production and consumption are higher than ever. In 2023, 316 million people consumed illegal drugs around the world, an increase of 22 percent over a decade. Cocaine is the fastest growing illegitimate drug market, and no place has been grown faster than Colombia. Between 2014 and 2023, Coca was cultivated in the country – which provides 67 percent of Coca in the world – by 266 percent, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

Since the banning policies’ failures have become more clear, alternative methods gain ground. Colombia, in particular, is trying to turn the text program by leading global action to reform drug policy.

However, whether Bogotti can transform the United Nations solid drug system it is still inaccurate. Gustavo Petro, the first leftist president in Colombia, prompted a progressive drug policy abroad. But it depends on the United States to obtain aid in Cinternarcotics and security cooperation, and this week, Washington has canceled Bogota as a drug control partner for the first time in nearly 30 years, as US President Donald Trump said he “clearly fails” in its efforts.

Although American assistance in Colombia will continue to flow at the present time, the decision represents a low point in bilateral relations and weakens the credibility of Colombia abroad. With only one year remaining in his position, a bad relationship with his American counterpart, and right -wing candidates, Petro leadership can be proven in rapidly removed international reform.

United Nations The decision, which was made by Colombia and adopted by 30 member states in Vienna in March, creates a committee of 19 independent experts in charge of assessing and developing recommendations to combat global drugs. World leaders will discuss the results of the committee in the United Nations sessions that begin in 2026 – a possible turning point for the current system. Narcotics policy experts hope that recommendations will criminalize more medications.

The Petro government, for its part, has made statements in favor of cocorating cocaine in the world, and Petro has argued that the drug is illegal only because it comes from Latin America. His government submitted a petition to remove the coca paper from the United Nations drug list and called for more public health and human rights considerations in global drug policy.

Although Colombia has placed itself as an ethical authority in this issue, its petitions conflict with the banned countries – well in all the United States, which gives its status as one of the largest donors in the United Nations drug bodies that are not proportional. Colombia’s calls to cancel global criminalization and Coca Destigatization have raised their voice in the discussion, but not necessarily its ability to determine the rules.

However, the decision is the most important in a series of Latin Latin attempts to a large extent to reform global drug policy. Bogota has a long busy record in such efforts. “For decades, Colombia has been at the forefront of challenging the international drug control system, given the high cost that it paid against the World War on drugs,” said Ann Forde, Director of the International Policy Federation for International Policy. She explained that thousands of Colombians have been killed in violence linked to the drug trade and criminal groups that they transmit.

Besides Mexico and Guatemala, Colombia called for the 2016 United Nations General Assembly session on the global drug problem. Last year, Colombia led a statement on behalf of 62 countries calling for reforming the framework of international drug policy and within the inclusion of the term “damage” – measures to reduce the health risks of drug use, such as access to treatment and clean injection – at the accuracy of the United Nations over the prevention of the excess dose.

Colombia seems to have gained more traction. Petro was more hiding on global drug reform than any other Colombian president while he was in office. Regardless of the United Nations resolution, in April, Bogota hosted the International Conference to reduce damage – the second in Latin America since its inception in 1990. As one of the few countries with a consumption room under supervision, Colombia is planning the cycle to reduce damage in the region.

Former Columbion presidents, such as Cesar Gaviria, and Juan Manuel Santos, have also adopted more progressive positions on drug policy since the position was left. Both joined the World Narcotics Policy Committee, a body that defends a human rights approach in this case. “I learned from the experience to change my position on the solid line to a more realistic situation on drugs,” Santos said Foreign policy. “This world war on drugs, and the Colombia war on drugs, does not work.”

“As long as the United Nations agreements are not changed, the problem will continue.” He suggested that “the market is organized to strip the cartals of their profits, and that the state uses these resources to implement social policies and prevention policies instead.” He added that even with the legalization of drugs, governments should continue to enhance security cooperation and fight criminal groups.

Santos said: “Petro’s speech on this issue is correct,” but “what this government generally says does not translate to what it is doing.”

In fact, the drug agenda in Petro is facing the challenges of fixing at home. On a personal level, the president is involved in a scandal after the former Foreign Minister, Balfaro Leva Duran, claimed that Petro has drug addiction. (Petro denies these allegations.) Interior Minister Armando Benditi admitted the use of previous drugs. The unexpected statements of Petro, such as the fact that cocaine is worse than whiskey, risked undermining the seriousness of his administration’s efforts. Meanwhile, the Petro approval rating is about 30 percent.

Petro also moving in conflicting local and international pressures. Despite the call to a progressive drug policy abroad, it has turned into an increased line at home. “If you are looking for consistency in the drug policy in Petro, you will not find it,” said Anna Maria Ruwaida, a drug expert at Fundación Ideas Para La Paz, a Colombian research tank.

Until recently, Petro did not see a hectare of Coca who were eliminated as a measure of the success of the government. Instead, drug traffickers have targeted through cocaine attacks and focused on negotiations with criminal groups through peace plans. However, in March, his government returned to the old methods by introducing the crop replacement program, providing farmers about $ 300 per month to replace Coca with alternative crops. Similar programs in previous governments have achieved bad results, and sometimes coca cultivation is exacerbated. “We need to replace economies, not just crops,” said Susanna Mohamed, former Minister of Environment in Colombia.

In April, Petro announced plans to restore manual evaporation to eliminate coca crops – a promise to avoid it. In early September, after the kidnapping of 45 soldiers in the Coca-producing department, Petro went further: he said that he might restore the air spraying-which the Santos government ended in 2015-in places “where the citizen attacks the army.” Both practitioners come with great health risks.

The contradictions between local and international positions are explained to a large extent through the US crane as a commercial partner in Colombia, a aid donor, and a military ally. With relations between Petro and Trump already – its climax in the repercussions of social media that involve threats of up to 50 percent of the tariffs on all Colombian imports and visa restrictions – the uniform in the United States increases the pressure on Petro. “The only thing [the United States] You want to eliminate. “

The last re -clarification in Colombia in the 1990s only served the strengthening of criminal groups, as it strengthened its authority instead of weakening it, according to Jimina Sanchez Garzoli, director of the Andes Mountains at the Washington Office in Latin America.

Santos said: “These criminal organizations and multinationals are more powerful and more effective than many governments. If there is no cooperation between governments and police – and in this United States it can help a lot – the organized crime will win the battle.”

Laura Gill, a former Colombia ambassador to Austria, said Colombia will have to continue to fight Coca at the local level, said Laura Jill, former Colombia Ambassador to Austria and Colombia in Colombia, said, “We cannot do this alone,” said Colombia will continue to continue fighting Coca at the local level, said Laura Jill, former Colombia Ambassador to Austria and Colombia in Colombia.

Despite Colombia Reform cancellation, there is still hope to reform global drug policy. After we lost our support, Petro may now follow some of the most advanced drug policies at home as well. Even within the United Nations, some members and actors have become more severe in the current drug control system. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, has repeatedly confirmed that a drug war has harmed more than beneficial. This week, the United Nations Development Program has published a discussion paper that highlights how punitive drug policies negatively affect development. “It is one time a chance in the generation to reassess this painting the global medicine system,” said Fordham.

Generation, the main architect of the decision, also has great hopes. Diplomacy was listed behind the scenes that made the establishment of a possible review committee. “We have created the Roman Club,” she said, with drug experts from 12 countries discussing ways to move forward. Bring the Colombian generation. She explained that there were no ambassadors at the beginning, “because diplomats could not storm brainstorm and think outside the box.” Over time, more countries wanted. The group has evolved to what it called a “small institution” in Vienna, officially known as the coalition for change.

Gil said that even the Ambassador of Singapore, who has one of the most common drug laws in the world, told her, “It has caused Vienna’s revolution.”

However, the drug policy continues to divide countries. European countries such as the Netherlands and Portugal adopted less punitive models, but tensions still exist between drug -producing countries and consumes drugs about what reform should require. “European countries understand that this [the current drug policy] “It is not the way forward. On the contrary, the United States, to which Argentina and Russia joined this year’s resolution on reforming the drug control system, said. The United States clarified silent or silent, but it was never progressive. “

According to Fordham, the diplomatic environment has turned dramatically. High anti -United States feelings led to new alliances, including those between China and European countries.

But while expectations are high, the other possibility is that it will not happen much. “This does not mean that we are ready for a new organization,” Jill admitted. She added that this is just the beginning of the discussions and that there are no guaranteed results.

And any success can be short -term. Rieda warned that the progressive leadership “comes and goes”, and that Colombia may have a conservative government – in this case, “everything can collapse.”