Serbian Protests Against Vucic Could Mean New Start

Serbia in chaos. Ten months of anti -government protests after the collapse of the deadly umbrella at the railway station in Novey Sad had fallen into its long crisis since Slobodan Milosevic prolonged in October 2000.

Tens of thousands mobilized the streets against the strong president of the country, Alexander Fuchic, while footage of the demonstrators supporting the brutal government increased the pressure on European and American officials to move away from Belgrade. The imminent “civil war” claims are the fungus in the public discourse – but the effects of conflicts and potential conflicts can exceed the borders of Serbia.

Serbia in chaos. Ten months of anti -government protests after the collapse of the deadly umbrella at the railway station in Novey Sad had fallen into its long crisis since Slobodan Milosevic prolonged in October 2000.

Tens of thousands mobilized the streets against the strong president of the country, Alexander Fuchic, while footage of the demonstrators supporting the brutal government increased the pressure on European and American officials to move away from Belgrade. The imminent “civil war” claims are the fungus in the public discourse – but the effects of conflicts and potential conflicts can exceed the borders of Serbia.

VCIC returned to the introduction to the Serbian policy in 2012, initially as Deputy Prime Minister of the Serbian Progressive Party that was recently formed (SNS), to become Prime Minister in 2014, and finally a president in 2017. As prime minister and prime minister later, Vocic simulated his former president immediately. Launch a campaign against free media. The ruling SNS was widely accused of systematic fraud of the elections; Serbia ties have strongly established Moscow and Beijing.

However, despite his increasing authoritarian approach, he has struggled to contain increased anger against his administration. Vocic is widely blamed for collapse in Novi Sad because, in addition to all other criticisms of his government, he has long been accused of distributing profitable construction contracts exclusively to political allies, and they wander in safety regulations.

It is understood that the analyzes of events in Serbia have greatly focused on the anti -regime protests as a tool to restore the legitimate and democratic government in the country. However, such perspectives neglect the effects of the regime’s change in Serbia – or their absence – on the western Balkans.

This is a great negligence because since the fall of Milosevic, the Serbian leaders have largely continued the center of political and regional excuses in Belgrade against the neighboring countries in government policy, and not more than VCIC. As as talk Guardian The editorial was observed: “[Vucic] It is a malicious presence in the West Balkan policy. Beyond the borders of Serbia, a long time planted a bilateral agenda, a close stability in relation to the Serpska-Serbian ethnic bilica- [dominated] An entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. “

Vocic’s continuous obligations to the Milosevic era of the Greater Serbia, sculpted from the lands of neighboring countries, were remarkably detected during the deadly Banguska semi -military attack 2023 in Kosovo. Despite the reprimand by the BIDEN administration at the time, the VCIC continued to refer to its aspirations to unite the Serbs across the west of the Balkans.

However, for many outside Serbia, it is still unclear to what extent the government’s anti -government mobilization in the country represents a real break with the Vocic ideological project. That he himself is not popular. But the presence of veteran groups in the war, whose members are suspected of committing war crimes in Kosovo, the frequent use of national icons and rhetoric during the marches, and supporting mobilization by slices of the widespread right in Serbia, are all worrying.

Is Serbia different possible? Will VCIC to overthrow the Serbian society – or just the rise of the new national elite? Serbia’s modern history indicates that attempts to combine democratic rule and imperialist foreign policy are failed.

Since 1878, a series of Serbian regimes sought to expand the country’s borders, with the exception of its acquisition of Vivoodina in 1918, all of which eventually failed. Kosovo and (North) colonization of Macedonia; Federation failed with Montenegro; In the end, the wars against Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in a defeat.

Even Republika SRPSKA (RS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is the separation area of ​​the war established by the forces of Milosevic and (re -) in the Bosnian state through the Dayton Agreement, is today a political and economic basket issue. Its leader has long been removed, supported by Belgrade, from his position by Bosnian courts; Its residents collapse due to mass migration and the decrease in birth rates sharply; Its fully falling economy depends on Sarajevo.

More importantly, every attempt to regional expansion in Serbia since 1918 ended with the violence directed at the beginning of the policies eventually blowing against the Serbian population itself. There is a line through that that can be extracted from the successive expulsions of the Muslims of Serbia after 1835, to the extensive atrocities by the Serbian authorities against the Albanian population of the occupied Kosovo and the pipelines in the Balkan War, and the Balds Strip, and they search them in the first war, and its shields in the rotation, and the period full of vibrant, the extermination during the 1940s by Serbian nationalist militants, appears to be Even the wars of conquest in Milosevic during the 1990s, and finally to the era of Vocic today.

If the Serbian people today really want to restore democracy in their country, they must reject imperial madness from their leaders – and finally begin the process of historical reconciliation.

Unfortunately, the saying in Serbia today still is largely taboo. Worse than that, some are afraid that it will risk providing the regime with the system and its ridiculous demands of the “colors revolution” backed by a foreigner that reveals in the country.

However, it remains necessary.

Without venting, which can only come by recognizing crimes and atrocities in its former leaders, and the reactionary national ideology that led to generations of Serbian citizens, Serbia cannot make real progress.

Serbia is a real democracy to accept the sovereignty of Kosovo and recognize the necessity of NATO in 1999. Serbia is a real democratic that would recognize the war of aggression, the genocide it waged against Bosnia and Hercy in 1992, and to allow this country to move recently, without Bosn’s movement. Rights. The Democratic Serbia will not really seek to replace the governments of neighboring countries or seek to undermine its cultural and religious institutions.

However, this is also true: these protests may not provide changing Serbian generations and the region. But they have an opportunity to renew this process. It is an opportunity for new leaders to appear, new ideas that must be social, and new talks to start in Serbia. Her neighbors will remain cautious about any alleged transformation in Belgrade, rightly. However, they must, too, hope to melt the ice in the approvals of the extended area in the region, which almost all contain Serbia in their center.

Serbia may seem different, but this is possible. One of the basic requirements is the departure of Vocic.